Population Change And Resource Cousumption Essay Example for Free

Population Change And Resource Cousumption Essay Introduction The Islands of the Caribbean has for centuries been enticing to travelers and a major tourist destination. The islands are very famous and popular for their stretches of beaches with soft sand and the easy life that the island offers. The islands are located at the south east region of North America towards the Eastern side of Central America. The Caribbean consists of over 7, 000 islands. The islands are a chain that is 2, 500 miles long and over 160 miles wide. These islands have enclosed the Caribbean Sea. The islands support a very exceptional diversity of ecosystem. These however have been endangered by water pollution, human encroachment as well as deforestation, McGranahan, G., S. Lewin, (1999). The map below shows the islands of the Caribbean. The Caribbean Population change The population in the Caribbean has been growing tremendously. It is approximated that the population has increased by 85% for the years between 1970 and 2001.This is approximately an increase from 285 million people to around 528million people. Over this same period, the annual population growth rate has fallen from 2.5% to 1.5%. This is largely attributed to urbanization, factors to do with social development and improved programs of birth control, Leakey, Richard and Roger Lewin, (1996). The majority of the population in the Caribbean is more concentrated along the coastline where the land terrain is gently sloping. Consequently the high population, along the Caribbean coastline can result to high pollution of the water supply by the facilities for sanitation which more often than not will be located close to the water sources. The figure below shows the population size in the Caribbean islands by country. Pos Country Population 1 Â  Cuba 11,382,820 2 Â  Dominican Republic 9,183,984 3 Â  Haiti 8,528,000 Â  Puerto Rico (United States) 3,955,000 4 Â  Jamaica 2,651,000 5 Â  Trinidad and Tobago 1,305,000 Guadeloupe (France) 448,000 Martinique (France) 396,000 6 Â  Bahamas 323,000 7 Â  Barbados 279,000 Â  Netherlands Antilles (Netherlands) 183,000 8 Â  Saint Lucia 161,000 9 Â  Saint Vincent and the Grenadines 119,000 Â  United States Virgin Islands (United States) 112,000 10 Â  Grenada 103,000 Â  Aruba (Netherlands) 99,000 11 Â  Antigua and Barbuda 81,000 12 Â  Dominica 79,000 Â  Cayman Islands (United Kingdom) 48,000 Â  Bermuda (United Kingdom) 64,000 13 Â  Saint Kitts and Nevis 43,000 Â  Turks and Caicos Islands (United Kingdom) 26,000 Â  British Virgin Islands (United Kingdom) 22,000 Â  Anguilla (United Kingdom) 12,000 Â  Montserrat (United Kingdom) 4,000 Source UNEP, (2000): Access to water in the Caribbean Water access in the Caribbean is insufficient. This is more so in the rural areas and among the poor population. By the year 2004, it was approximated that at least 9% of the Caribbean population or 50m million people had inadequate access to the supply of water, Shiklomanov, (2000). In addition it was also approximated that 132 million people translating to 23% of the population had inadequate access to sanitation. The accessibility of water supply still remains unpredictable to date considering the financial constraints of the local and central government in the Caribbean and the inadequate finances in the service providers sector. The Caribbean islands have over the years greatly caused water pollution due to poor sanitation. Â  For instance, in the Caribbean, only an approximate 50% of the population can be able to access the sewer system. This is quite alarming; with emphasis on the fact that even the existing sewer systems are not at most instances functioning properly.26 percent of the Caribbean population uses other different sanitation forms like septic tanks and variety of latrine types. The lack of fresh water in the Caribbean can be attributed to the problems of inadequate resources in the forms of finance and human capital. However, demographic and physical factors also contribute in that; there is a shortage of a base for natural resources and limitation of surface areas, Hopfenberg, Russell and Pimentel, David, (2001). For instance, there is limited space for fresh water, arable land, and convectional sources of energy and mineral resources. The Caribbean is also vulnerable to natural disasters, which compromise the availability of the water recourses within the islands. Types of Caribbean water use In the Caribbean, water is used both for domestic purposes and economic use. The water is used especially in the farming of bananas and cotton among other crops. The use of water per capita in the Caribbean varies from one country to another. It is also different in the various urban areas, rural areas. It also varies depending on the numbers of people with public taps, house connection or even where there lacks an improved water source. It is estimated that in average the water use in the urban areas is approximately 240liters per capita every day. This level of water use is as high as the water use in the United States. It is also two times higher than water use in Central Chile. The Quality of Water The quality of water in the Caribbean is poor even to those people that can access it. This is clearly indicated by the intermittent water supply within the countries in the Caribbean. There is also very low pressure of the water and in fact, the drinking water is of low quality. M. Wackernagel, M., Manfreda C., and Deumling D., (2002). However, there is some difference on water qualities some of the countries and cities, some of the cities and countries have good quality water and a consistent supply and are on par with the water quality and supply in the developed countries. Inspire of the high amounts of rainfall received in the Caribbean islands, the availability of fresh water is quite a big problem. The island commonly goes through severe shortages of fresh water. This is especially so because of the limited storage capacity for storing water to be used during the dry periods. Â  It is not possible to construct large water reservoirs since the land resource is scarce. More over, the heavy down pours accompanied by very steep topography, soil that is easily eroded, river channels that are short, all can contribute to heavy siltation of the water reservoirs reducing the capacity of water storage even further. In the Caribbean, people often depend on ground water though only limited quantities of this important resource is available. The fact that the islands in the Caribbean are surrounded by salty water makes fresh water unavailable even from underground sources. Water problems and the potential solutions in the Caribbean The lack of access to quality safe water The problem of water safety in the Caribbean can be solved. This can be done through the desalination of the sea water that surrounds the island so that there is a constant supply of quality and fresh water. However, this would call for the use of high technology which is very costly and expensive. The technology may not be available in the Caribbean but it would be a good solution to the water shortage in this area. In the recent past however, the Caribbean has improved in terms of water access, for instance it is estimated that water access has increased from 33% of the people in the year 1970 to an approximate 85% in the year 2000.This then implies that almost seventy seven million people are still lacking the supply of water in their houses. Lack of Access to Sanitation Sanitation is very important to any healthy population; a proper sanitation system should be put in place to ensure that the waste from the Caribbean island is disposed appropriately. Since most of the people live along the coastline, the sewer systems should be located away from these areas to prevent or even stop polluting the surrounding water sources, Kurlansky, M. (1992). Â  For example, a large portion of the population uses septic tanks and latrines, the rest of the people do not have safe access to sanitation. Some of the people in the Caribbean use underground water resources and this can be contaminated by poor sanitation facilities. Failure to treat sanitation waste In the Caribbean, only the sewage and waste of at least 14% of the homes gets treatment from the local plants. The rest of the waste finds its way down to rivers, oceans, lakes and the aquifers at located underground. This is a health hazard and risks the aquatic life within the region. It has the potential to damage the ecological system. To curb this problem, all the sewage and related waste should be treated with the available sanitary plants. More of such facilities should be put up to immediately stop the waste from draining to the water bodies. This way the available water sources will be clean and free of contamination. Service provision The authority of provision of sanitation and clean water rests in the hands of either the national or regional companies or the municipalities. Consequently, the municipalities that are larger have established municipal or even inter-municipal utilities for the public use, Ron N., (2006). The finances from these utilities are kept separately from the larger finances of the cities. This has caused misunderstandings and mismanagement of the public facilities. The system should be streamlined so that there is no confusion in the provision of the utilities and that efficiency and effectiveness is maintained. It should be cleared up on the roles and responsibilities of the various authorities that mange and regulate these essential utilities. Ground water Lack of water reservoirs in the Caribbean call for the use of under ground water sources. These sources do not have enough water supply but they help to put the water problems at manageable levels. However, the ground water is threatened by pollution and over exploitation, Kurlansky, M. (1992). The available aquifers have been over used or polluted by the agricultural activities and mining. The under ground water sources should be taken care of and at all cost not be polluted. The aquifers are of utmost importance in the Caribbean and the government and other non-governmental organizations should come to the aid of these resources. Population control The population in the Caribbean is over concentrated within the costal areas. The resources within this coastal region are over stretched and very vulnerable to pollution and over use. Â  Efforts should be done to see that the population is evenly distributed or that the facilities and especially sanitation in the over populated areas increased. By over stretching the facilities to beyond the possible limits, the Caribbean is putting the future of its population’s health at a risk, Rogozinski, J (1999). Conclusion The Caribbean is a fascinating series of island with a lot of economic activities especially tourism. The islands however are faced with a population problem and the scarcity of quality and clean water sources. Most of the available sources like the underground aquifers are over used or even polluted. The sanitation facilities within this region are very wanting and a lot has to be done to keep water problems at a distance in these very attractive islands, Shiklomanov, (2000). Â  References Rogozinski, J (1999): A Brief History of the Caribbean, New York Kurlansky, M. (1992): A Continent of Islands: Searching for the Caribbean Destiny, Addison-Wesley Publishing Ron N., (2006): The Little Green Handbook: Seven Trends Shaping the Future of Our Planet, Picador, New York Wackernagel, M., Manfreda C., and Deumling D., (2002): Ecological Footprint of Nations Hopfenberg, Russell and Pimentel, David, (2001): Human Population Numbers as a Function of Water Supply, Environment, Development and Sustainability Shiklomanov, (2000): Appraisal and Assessment of World Water Resources, Water International UNEP, (2000): Global Environmental Outlook, Earth scan Publications, London, UK Leakey, Richard and Roger Lewin, (1996): The Sixth Extinction: Patterns of Life and the Future of Humankind, Anchor, McGranahan, G., S. Lewin, (1999): Environmental Change and Human Health in the Caribbean, Stockholm Environment Institute, Stockholm, Sweden

Major determinant of Cross-elasticity of Demand

Major determinant of Cross-elasticity of Demand When it comes to Cross-elasticity of demand, we must first illustrate the concept of elasticity of demand. We can say that elasticity of demand is the foundation of the theory of cross-elasticity of demand because elasticity of demand is related to only one good while cross-elasticity of demand is about the relation of 2 goods. We should first compare the elasticity of demand with the cross-elasticity of demand. Introduction of Elasticity of Demand Elasticity of demand is often referred to as the own-price elasticity of demand for a certain good, such as the elasticity of demand with respect to the price of a good. Elastic demand reflects that consumers are very price sensitive. This concept is understandable because we all know price is one of important determinant of quantity, and the quantity demanded of a good is negatively related to its price. We can suppose: for a seller, lower price promotes sales; for a buyer, higher price constraints their desire of purchase. Take the example from the textbook, suppose that a 10% increase in the price of an ice-cream cone causes the amount of ice cream you buy to fall by 20%. According to the formula We calculate your elasticity of demand as 20%/10%= 2. This result can be explained as the elasticity 2 reflects the change in the quantity demanded is twice as large as the change in the price in proportion. This result owes to reasons as follows: First, market for ice cream is very competitive instead of monopolistic. Second, consumers have choices of other substitutes such as other desserts. Third, when the price of ice cream rises, consumers can buy cakes, milk-shake or other desserts. The above formula usually yields a negative value, because of the inverse nature of the relationship between price and quantity demanded. They are described by the law of demand (Gillespie, Andrew (2007). p.43.) but economists tend to refer to price elasticity of demand as a positive value (i.e., in absolute value terms). Definition of Cross-elasticity of Demand Based on the theory mentioned above about price elasticity of demand, we can go further to find out the relation of two goods. In order to distinguish it from the elasticity of demand for that good with respect to the change in the price of some other good, i.e., a complementary or substitute good. (Png, Ivan (1999). p.57.) The latter type of elasticity measure is called a cross-price elasticity of demand. In microeconomics, cross-elasticity of demand is also called cross-price elasticity of demand, which measures the responsiveness of the demand for a good when there is a change in the price of another good. According to its definition, it is measured as the change in demand in percentage for the good A that occurs in response to a change in price in percentage of the good B. The formula to calculate cross-elasticity of demand is as follows: Major Determinant The cross-price elasticity of demand is often used to see how sensitive the demand for a good is to a price change of another good. The major determinant of cross-elasticity of demand is the closeness of the substitute or complement. A high positive cross-price elasticity indicates that if the price of a certain good goes up, the demand for the other good goes up as well. A negative one tells us the opposite that an increase in the price of one good causes a decrease in the demand for the other good. A small value (either negative or positive) tells us that there is little or no relation between the two goods. They are listed in the table below: Cross-price Elasticity Indication Example Graph A positive cross-price elasticity If the price of one good goes up, the demand for the other good goes up as well. Pork and chicken, etc. A negative cross-price elasticity An increase in the price of one good causes a drop in the demand for the other good. Bicycles and helmets; Petroleum and cars, etc. A small value There is little relation between the two goods. Things have little or no relation at all For example, if we suppose the price of chicken goes up by 20%, and as a result the quantity demanded of pork increases by 10%, at the premise that there is no change in the price of pork or anything else that would have influence on the demand for pork (such as quality, advertising, location, etc). Then the cross-elasticity of demand for pork, with respect to the price of chicken, is 10%/20% = 0.5. This concept is also easy to understand. Firstly, as we know that for two goods that complement each other show a negative cross elasticity of demand, which means that an increase in the price of one good cuts the demand for the other. For instance, if the price of bicycles goes up, we will expect to see a decline in the demand for bike helmets; if the price of petroleum goes down, the demand for car will be expected to rise. In this sort of case, we can say the goods are complements and they have a close link in price and demand. Secondly, on the contrary, two goods that are substitutes have a positive cross elasticity, it means that an increase in the price of one good will therefore increase the demand for the other good. When we observe a positive cross-elasticity, we can assume that the two goods are substitutes, as with chicken and pork, butter and margarine. The Third circumstance is two independent goods. If two goods are independent, undoubtedly they have a zero cross elasticity of demand. Practical Application For firms and corporations, it is necessary for them to know the cross-elasticity of demand for their products when they consider the effect on the demand for their products of a change facing with the challenging price of a rivals product or a complementary product. If the quality and appearance is almost the same (regardless of the factors of affection location, and loyalty, etc.) but the price of Firm A is higher than that of Firm B, most consumers will choose the products of Firms B. Among theories of marketing, pricing is not only difficult but technical. These are vital pieces of information for firms when making their production and strategic plans. However, for goods those complement each other, a firm is supposed to promote the sales of both the products and their complements. Nowadays, the price of petroleum is constantly high and it will continuously get higher in the near future. This is definitely a disaster for automotive industry. Some of the automobile companies adopt the strategy of reduction but gets an unsatisfactory feedback. What affects the decision of a consumer is mainly the price of petroleum instead of the automobile, so some companies think out of a promotional tactic: buy car get petro discounted (though the price of a car may be very expensive), and this may be to some extent cater to the consumers psychology. Another application of the concept of cross-elasticity of demand is in the field of international trade as well as the balance of payments around the world. Whats more, for different industries and fields, the concept of cross-elasticity of demand can be used to measure the closeness of relation of each other. For those monopoly enterprises, they are the unique suppliers in market and they are powerful enough to control the whole market, so they wont suffer the pressure from others. However, for some industries, such as Ministry of Railway, if it decides to raise the price in a large scale, many passengers will prefer other transportation, which will make aviation industry or highroad industry prosperous. This will undoubtedly lay itself in an unadvantageous position.

The Relationship Between Political Democracy And Economic Growth Economics Essay

The Relationship Between Political Democracy And Economic Growth Economics Essay The relationship between political democracy and economic growth has been a center of debate in the past fifty years. A corpus of cross-country research has shown that the theoretical divide on the impact of democratic versus authoritarian regimes on growth is matched by ambiguous empirical results, resulting in a consensus of an inconclusive relationship. Through this paper challenges this consensus. In contrast to the current consensus, we show that once the microscope of analysis is applied to the accumulated evidence, it is possible to draw several firm and robust conclusions regarding democracy and economic growth. Supporter of democracy argue that the motivations of citizens to work and invest, the effective allocation of resources in the marketplace, and profit maximizing private activity can all be maintained in a climate of liberty, free-flowing information and secured control of property ( North, 1990). Democracies can limit state intervention in the economy, are responsive to publics demands on area such as education, justice and health, and encourage stable and long run growth (Rodrik, 1999, Lake and Baum 2001, Baum and Lake 2003). Opponents of democracy, on the other hand, argue that democracies lend themselves to popular demand for immediate consumption at the expense of profitable investments, cannot be insulated from the interest of rent-seekers, and cannot mobilize resource swiftly. Democracies are said also to be prone to conflicts due to social, ethnic and class struggles. While some authors favor authoritarian regime to suppress conflicts, resist sectional interests and take coer cive measures necessary for rapid growth, others remain overall skeptical on whether regimes, rather than markets and institutions, matter for growth (Bhagwati 1995). Actually, there are millions of journal articles on the internet regarding to the topic of democracy and economic growth, and in order to get those articles, Google scholars and others journal websites are used to download those to read. Moreover, I use the snowball technic to keep on trace of the best sources. For example, when I found the best source, I look at its references, and then I followed the old references or foot notes of each best source to get more best sources. Since some journals are not free for download, I somehow need to spend money on the journal website in order to get the sources. Moreover, in term of getting best sources from the Google or Google scholar, I typed the only the key words of the topic of research. For instance, instead of using economic growth, I can use economic development, or Gross nation products of each nation. What is more, in order to limit the number of sources on the net, I used the quotation mark, plus sign, or equal sing around the word finding. Importantly, even there are a lot of website that can provide the best convincing information regarding to the topic, I still looked and priority on the famous websites before selecting the sources. Meanwhile of the finding and selecting the best sources, I scanned all the sources to get the overall ideas-what those resources mean to the readers, and in specific skill of selecting the best sources, I just looked the abstract part, and jumped to the conclusion. By doing that, I can pretty sure that I can comprehend what the papers want to be told. Then, I look at those finding, methodologies, limitation, and discussion sections to analyze, find the strength and weakness, and to critic them in the right ways. Of course, even the general knowledge of the researchers seem to be so higher than me, and in order to critic them, I need to read what the fallacy of the research are. For example, some researchers might give their own judgments which cannot be applied in some extend, and some analyzed only in the present by ignoring the past. Beside this, in order to produce this paper, first of all, I need to do a lot of extensive reading on the found sources to select the best source. During the reading, I also quoted regarding to the theme which I was prepared on the time of literature reviewing. Once I had done all the reading, I started to type all the important information to each belonging theme or coding, then I read those information which came from many different scholars to get the common sense of idea on one particular point, so by doing it back and forth with a serious attention, Finally, I can produce this research paper which can summary all the main ideas of the existed sources. Therefore, this paper presents an analysis on the democracy-growth relationship, based on 10 published studies. It is an important step to addressing the deadlock on the democracy growth relationship. The literature need such as urgent comprehensive assessment on the issue in the wake of massive democratizations for many developing countries. Reviews of this literature and many authors who have contributed to it, state that the association is inconclusive. Faced with a diverse set of conflicting results, they are unable to conclude whether the association is positive, negative or non-existent. We find that once all the available evidence is considered, holding research design differences constant, the evidence does not point to democracy having a detrimental impact on growth. Moreover, this critic paper will be able to conclude that the effect is not inconclusive. There is, indeed, a zero direct effect of democracy on growth. Second, democracy has a significant positive indirect effe ct on growth through human capital accumulation. In addition, democracies are associated with lower inflation, reduced political instability and higher levels of economic freedom. However, there is some evidence that they are associated also with larger government and more restrictive international trade. Third, there are region-specific effects on the democracy-growth relationship. Particularly, the growth effects of democracy are higher in Latin America and Lower in Asia. This research paper also that much of the variation in results between studies does not reflect real underlying differences in the democracy-growth association Rather it is owing to either sampling error or the research design process. Raresh Kumar Narayan and Russell Smyth. Democracy and economic growth China: Evidence from counteraction and causality testing. Review of Applied economics, Vol. 2, No, 1, (2006): 81-89 To examine the relationship between the democracy and economic growth in the peoples Republic of China over the last three decades. Actually, China represents an interesting case in the debate over the relationship between the democracy and growth. This study was used the short and long run effect of democracy on the china within a production function framework by following the methods of error correction mechanism, and Granger Causality tests-testing between the labor and capital, and most studies by economist have tested for correlation between democracy and economic growth and have failed to adequately address the issue of causation, and using the Granger causality tests to explore the effects of shocks of democracy and economic growth beyond the sample period through the use of variance decomposit ion analysis and impulse response functions. While labor and capital can defined the core relationship between democracy and economic growth, real GDP and income of people are also the factors, and this study found out the democratization in China is impossible, and it can be true since the China never experience of being democracy. Moreover, economic growth of china is not because of democracy theories, but its own political culture, and its own indigenous development model. Meanwhile, real income and real GDP of each nations are also the factors for democracy growth too. Actually, according to Paresh Kumar Narayan, and Russell Smyth. (2007), who conducted the similar studies, examined the relationship between the democracy and economic growth in 30 Sub-Saharan African counties, supported the Lipset hypothesis. This study used the real GDP Granger to explore the cause of democracy and an increase in GDP results in an improvement in democracy. In the long run democracy Granger causes real income and an increase in democracy has a positive effect on real income, which is found for Bostwana with the freedome house data and for Madagascare, Rwanda, South Africa, and Swaziland. However, Hristos Doucouliagos and Mehment Ulubasoglu.( 2006). Democracy and Economic Growth: A Meta-Analysis. School Working paper-economic series 2006: Deakin University. This research paper is to explore the inconclusive relationship through a quantitative assessment of the democracy growth literature and use meta-regression as the methodology to analysis by collecting all the existed literature review to conclude the impact of democracy on economic. The strength point of this study was that this study concerned many variable at the same time. For example, it looked beyond the theories, the democracy in the past and the present, and so on. In addition, Elias Papaioannou and Gregorios Siourounis. (2004). Democratization and Growth. Job market paper: London business school. This research study challenges the empirical finding that democratic institution has direct effect on economic growth by using the before-after event study approach, and controlling the permanent democratization in the specific time. The strength of this study is that it study the long trend, omit the unrelevent variable, and observe the change from one time to other time of the variable affecting the democracy, but the weakness of this research article was that it didnt distinguish between different types of autocracy for example left or right wing dictatorship and democracy -presidential or parliamentary. Noam, L and Kanta, Murali. ( 2009). Does economic development explain democratic development?. Annual meeting at the Midwest political science association. This study explore the relationship between economic and democracy by using the modernization theories to analysis, and observing those change over time. The finding of this study seems to be able to apply for the new current democracy system, but it lacked of concerning about the democratization process in the past. This research study have found out the when there is economic growth, the democratization process will come as well, and according to my perspective, this assumption can be true since when one country has a high economic growth, that nation will prioritize on the domestic affair, freedom and the growth rate of the middle class. Moreover, the longer period of time, there will be positive effect of democracy, democratization growth, and economic development. Christian. H. ( 2010). Inequality, Economic development and democratization. University of Rochester. This research concerned about the inequality, income distribution of the economic sphere and took that variable to analyze the relationship between democracy and economic growth. However, this study focused on two theories-modernization and inequality theories, which was quite similar to Noam, L and Kanta, Murali. ( 2009). The strength assumption of this study was that when there is economic growth, autocracies more or less will change their political system as well in some extend, but this assumption also failed since some rich autocracies are not more likely to become democratic ( Przeworski and Limongi 1997; Prazewoki et al. 2000). Moreover, this study concluded that democracy inequality harms democratization. Of course, in the case of some nations, when there is class tension-between the level of middle class, there will be social clash, which lead to autocratic state more than d emocracy. What is more, this study fail to analyze other variable beside income inequality since economic crisis, the complexity of democracy system are also the cause of authoritarian shift. The availability of data and econometric techniques enables all the researchers to investigate these issues empirically. However, the empirical findings span a continuum of negative, insignificant and positive estimates, creating a conundrum. For instance, the distribution of results that we have compiled from 470 regression estimates from 10 democracy-growth studies shows that 16% of the estimates are negative and statistically significant, 20% of the estimates are negative and statistically insignificant, 38% of the estimate are positive and statistically insignificant, and 26% of the estimates are positive and statistically significant. This can be implied that three-quarters of the regressions have not been able to find the desired positive and significant sign. It also implies that around half of the regression models have found statistically significant estimates while the other half found statistically insignificant estimates. Such different results are not surprising because research question posed are narrow and approach the issue from different dimensions. For instance, while certain studies focus on the physical investment channel between democracy and growth, others look at the human capital or political instability channels. Likewise, certain studies present structural estimates of a well-defined model, whereas other focus on the empirical regularities in the data. Thus, the question is perplexed with a continuum of estimates, which differ due to data sources, estimate methodologies, sample composition, and time periods. The structure of this paper will be followed by the brief review of the key theoretical arguments behind a democracy-growth association, the effect of democracy on economic, the effect of economic on democracy, and conclusion of the research paper. Theoretical Arguments: Traditional perspective: Does political democracy cause the economic growth? To Hobbes (1651), absolutist regimes were more likely to improve public welfare simply because they could not promote their own interests otherwise. Similarly, Huntington (1968) also argues that democracies have weak and fragile political institutions and lend themselves to popular demands at the expense of profitable investments. Democratic governments are vulnerable to demands for redistribution to lower-income groups, and are surrounded by rent-seekers for directly unproductive profit-seeking activities (Krueger 1974, Bhagwati 1982). Non-democratic regimes can implement the hard economic policies necessary for growth, and suppress the growth-retarding demands of low-income earners and labor in general, as well as social instabilities because of ethnic, religious, and class struggles, and Democracies cannot suppress such conflicts. In term of economic progress, markets should come first and authoritarian regimes can more or less e asily facilitate such policies. Moreover, some level of development is a pre-requisite for democracy to function properly ( Lipsets 1959 hypothesis). In short, this view implies that political democracy is a best product that cannot be afforded by developing countries. Other proponents of the conflict view and stricter state command on the economy include Galenson (1959), Andreski (1968), Huntington and Dominguez (1975), Rao (19884-5) and Haggard (1990). The conflict view became more debatable after the growth success stories in South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore in the 1950s and 1960s. The argument rest on several assumptions, the main one of which is that if given power, authoritarian regimes would behave in a growth-friendly manner. In that regard, server contrasting cases are provided where dictators pursued their own welfare and failed in Africa and the Socialist world ( de Haan and Sirermann 1995, Alesina et al. 1996). Proponents of democracy, on the other hand, argue that rulers are potential looters (Harrington 1656) and democratic institutions can act to constrain them. Most of the assumptions of the conflict view can be refuted with good reasons. Implementation of the rule of law, contract enforcement and protection property rights do not necessarily imply an authoritarian regime. In addition, Bhagwati (1995) argues that democracies rarely engage in military conflict with each other, and this promotes world peace and economic growth. They are also more likely to provide less volatile economic performance. Finally, de Haan and Siermann (1995) note that a strong state and an authoritarian state are not the same thing. However, markets can deliver growth under both democratic and authoritarian regimes. The modern perspective Actually, the political democracy-growth can be seen more precise and focused today. Theory has moved away from traditional conflict with compatibility arguments, because different aspects of the broader institutions-growth problem have been identified. For instance, many researchers have separated economic democracy from political democracy. Factors like protection of property rights, business, credit and labor market regulation, which were previously attributed to political democracy, are now being treated as part of economic democracy. Analysis of economic freedom indicators from the Fraser institute ( by Gwartney and Lawson 1996, 2000, 2003) and the heritage Foundation ( by ODriscoll et al. 2003) has shown that economic freedom, with also its other aspects, is equally relevant to growth. Recently, the world bank introduced the Doing Business aspect of institutions problem. In particular Djankov et al ( 2002a, 200b, 2005), Djankov, McLeish and Shleifer (2005), and Botero et al (2 004) benchmarked business regulations and quantified the easiness of private sectors activity in the economics based on labor hiring and firing practices; ease of starting, registering and closing business; protecting investors and enforcing contracts; and dealing with license and paying taxes. At this point one may feel that dissecting these aspect from political democracy reduce its scope to multi-party and free election only. Of course, political democracy is more than free and fair elections. First, empirical evidence shows that all the aspects of the institutions made precise above, i.e., economic democracy, governance and private sphere in the economy have high correlations with political democracy. In other words, the mere existence of participatory democracy implies the broader institutions conducive to growth. Secondly, various studies find that political democracy has enormous indirect effects on growth through human capital accumulation, income distribution, and political stability. In addition, Sturn and de Haan (2001) find that the presence of democracy in a country positively affects the level of economic freedom. Thus, on the question of political democracy and growth, one should remember the broader associations that encompass the channels, or the indirect effects, between democracy and growth rather than one to one causation from regime to growth. Thirdly, as Bhagwati( 1995) and Rodrik (2000) point out, democracies provide higher quality growth through various means. Rodirk puts it in the following way: participatory democracies enable a higher-quality growth by allowing greater predictability and stability in the long run, by being stronger against external shocks, and by delivering better distributional outcomes. Democratic institutions would help market function perfectly, as is assumed in neoclassical economic models. As an extension to such argument, the volatility channel has also been shown to be an important indirect effect of democracy on growth. Non democratic regimes are not a homogenous lot ( de Haan and Siermann, 1995, Alesina et al. 1996, Alesina and Perotti 1994), whereas democracies are more homogenous and can provide stable economic progress. Effect of democracy on Growth: Sirowy and Inkeless (1990) suggest that there are three major views on the effects of democracy on growth with their label the conflict, and the compatibility and the skeptical. The conflict thesis suggests that democracy and economic growth are incompatible because elected officals longing for popular approval make shortsighted decisions designed to maximize whose objective is to divert resources from productive activities in favor of immediate consumption. Related arguments are that democracy is less conducive to long term stability (world Bank, 1991, pp. 132-133) or long term development ( Barro, 1996) because of the tendency in majority voting systems to enact rich to poor redistribution of income including land reforms. On the other hand, the compatibility thesis proffers that democratic features such as political pluralism, institutional checks and balances and freedom of the press provide safeguards against system abuse or predatory behavior often associated with authoritarian regimes. Friedman (1962) was one of the first to suggest that economic and political freedoms are mutually reinforcing. He postulated that an expansion in political freedom fosters economic freedoms such as secure property rights and certainty of contract, which, in turn, underpin higher rates of economic growth. As Barro( 1996) argues, of course there is nothing in principle preventing non-democratic governments from promoting economic freedoms. Examples of autocracies which have increased economic freedom include the Pinochet regime in chile and the Fujimora government in Peru. The point, though, made by advocates of the compatibility thesis is democracy is more likely to be conducive to promoting economic freedoms than au thoritarianism because the political legitimacy and therefore long term survival of a democracy depends on maintaining economic rights. The third perspective, which is the skeptical view, suggests there is no systematic relationship between democracy and economic growth. While it might generally be true that there is more economic freedom under a democracy than an autocracy, there is no guarantee it will be at an optimum ( Esposto and Zaleski. 1999). Even in a democracy there will be those whose aims is to challenges the private property status quo if it is in their best interests, and because of the very nature of a democracy they will have more opportunities to do so( Przewoki and Limongi, 1993). However, the empirical evidence on the three perspectives in not clear-cut. Sirowry and inkeles( 1990) review thirteen studies; of which, six supported the skeptical view, four suggested qualified or conditional relationships, and three provided unconditional support for the conflict perspective. In a later survey, Brunetti ( 1997) reviewed 17 empirical studies of the democracy-growth relationship. He found ( at p. 167) nine studies report no relationship, one study a positive, one study a negative, three studies a fragile negative relationship and three studies a fragile positive relationship between democracy and economic growth. Helliwell (1994), Barro (1996) and Tavares and Waczing (2001) found that democracy has either a non-significant or moderately weak negative effect on growth once other growth-determining variables are held constant. On the basis of the mixed findings in the literature, a reasonable conclusion is that: We do not know whether democracy fosters or hinders gr owth (Przewoki and Limongi, 1993, P.64). However, as a provision to this, the balance of empirical evidence is with the conflict and skeptical views rather than the compatibility view. Effect of growth on Democracy: Political scientists have examined the effect of the economic growth on democracy. Most studies have found that economic growth generates demands for political right ( Lipset, 1959; Bollen, 1979; Bollen and Jackman, 1985; Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, 1994). At one level, casual empiricism seems to also support the view that economic growth promotes democracy. As Gupta et al. ( 1998, pp. 589-590) note, all of the developed, industrialized nations have a democratic political system. In contrast, most of the nations in the poorest segment of the world community operate under various forms of non-democratic political system. However, This is not ture in a blanket sense. Casual observation also suggests that economic growth does not necessarily bring about a demand for democracy. There are examples of authoritarian regimes in Southeast Asia and the Middle East where citizens are willing to forego demand for political liberalization provided their economic needs are being met. In these instance there is a good argument that it is only when the authoritarians government stops delivering on the economic front that there are calls for more political rights. An example is the fall of the Suharto regime in Indonesia following the Asian financial crisis when spiraling inflation and unemployment prevented Suharto from delivering in the economic sphere. Glasure et al. ( 1999) obtain results that are consistent with this view. Their finding suggest that in developing countries and newly industrializing countries economic development has a significant effect on democratic performance, but contrary to Lipest( 1959) economic development leads to lower levels of democracy. Glasure et al. ( 1999, p. 475) conclude: The sign reversal may stem from the possibility that as nations strive for economic development, the nations tend to trade off democracy for economic development Discussion of the results: In the result using the Freedom House dataset, Botswana stands out as the one country where there is support for both the compatibility and Lipset hypothese, i.e. there is Granger causality between democracy and real GDP in the long run, and democracy and real GDP have a positive effect on each other. The results using the Beck et al. (2001) dataset confirm long-run Granger causality running from GDP to democracy and the GDP has positive effect on democracy. The democracy growth is well established in Botswana. The OECD (1999, p.29) posited: Political stability has result fromà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦favorable economic conditions. While this is true, Botswanas economic success has also been built on democratic tradition in which there are no narrow ethnic-based interest groups with distinct means of expression, which has avoided infighting over diamonds and other political issue (Wiseman, 1990). Of course, Botswana has been described as an African success story ( Acemoglu et al., 2001) with the highest growth rate of any country in the world between 1960 and 1999. From 1965 to 1973 Bostswanas annual rate of growth of GDP was 14.8% which was the highest in the world except for the high income oil rich Oman (21.9%). From 1973 to 1984 Botswanas annual growth rate was 10.7% which was the highest in the world, outstripping Asian Tigers, Hong Kong (9.1%) and Singapore ( 8.2%) (World Bank, 1986). Between 1980 and 1990 Botswana grew at 11%, also the highest in the world over this period, with China second at 10.3% per annum. From 1990 to 2003 Botswanas growth slowed to 5.2% but was still in the top dozen countries in the World Bank world Development indicators list of countries over this period (World Bank, 2005). Botswana is one of only a few African countries with a democratic tradition (Wiseman, 1990). It has had continuous democracy since obtaining independence in 1996. The disc overy of diamond mines has facilitated economic growth, but there is more to Botswanas success than simply having abundant natural resources. There is universal agreement that the Botswana government has used the revenue from diamonds to pursue good policies (See e.g Acemoglu et al., 2001). Conclusion: The aim of this paper was to review the accumulated evidence on the impact of the democracy on economic growth. Existing studies and authors of primary studies have drawn inferences from only a limited set of information and have failed to reach a decisive conclusion. In contrast, I apply analysis, critic to the pool of 6 studies with 10 published estimates of the democracy-growth associations, and are able to draw other variables conclusions. This in line with Bhagwatis (1995) prediction that democracy does not handicap development. Second, while the direct effect is found to be Zero, this research papers result indicates that democracy has significant indirect effects on growth through various channels. In particular, this study also finds that democracy has a favorable impact on human capital formation, on the level of economic freedom, inflation and political instability. However, This study also find that democracy is associated with greater government spending and less free int ernational trade. Third, while there is no evidence of a democracy-growth effect for all countries combined all together, there are clear regional effects. The available evidence suggests that democracy has a larger effect on economic growth in Latin America, and that this is lower in Asia. Moreover, it appears that there is country-specific effect like China. Fourth, by comparing the democracy-growth association to research conducted elsewhere on the economic freedom growth assocaiton( Doucouliagos and Ulubasoglu 2006), we find that democracys direct effect on growth is zero, while economic freedom has a positive direct effect. In short, this research paper conclude that the empirical evidence that has accumulate over the past 40 years points to a zero direct effect on growth and significant direct effects on growth through factor accumulation, economic freedom, inflation and openness, with an adverse effect through government spending. The net effect is that democracy does not harm economic performance. This analysis paper can be applied to other dimension of democracy. For example, the links between democracy and the level of development rather than growth, the channels through which democracy impacts on both growth and development, as well as the determinants of democracy, are all promising areas for future research analysis to make more inclusive result.

Animal Farm, by George Orwell :: Animal Farm Essays

Animal Farm George Orwell's novel, Animal Farm, is a deceitfully simple story about a group of farm animals who, tired of toiling for the benefit of humans, rebel and create their own way of life only to find themselves, several years later, toiling for the benefit of one of their own kind, the pigs. Because of the simplicity of this novel, many people consider it to be a children's story. However, beyond it's lighthearted surface, it is truly a satirical attack against Stalinism. "It is also a lament for the fate of revolutions and the hopes contained in them." Adding to the complexity of the book, it also shows man's willingness to compromise the truth. In the short scope of this novel, Orwell expresses many of his ideas about men and politics. Major, an elderly pig, is the one who plants the seed of rebellion in the minds of the other animals by sharing with them a song which he had learned as a young pig, but which he has just recalled during a dream. This song "Beasts of England" describes a peaceful life where all animals will live in harmony, no longer enslaved by humans. Riches more than mind can picture, Wheat and barley, oats and hay, Clover, beans and mangel-wurzels Shall be ours upon that day. Bright will shine the fields of England, Purer shall its waters be, Sweeter yet shall blow its breezes On the day that sets us free. (pp. 7-8) The character of Major symbolizes the Soviet Union leader, Vladimir Ilich Lennin. Lennin too had caused his comrades to rise up in rebellion against the Czarist form of government in the hope of creating a country where everyone would be equal. Before he saw his ideas fully enacted, he died. After the death of Major, the power is left in the hands of two other pigs, Snowball and Napoleon. Napoleon, who, without anyone else discovering, had raised a litter of puppies into fierce dogs, now uses them to chase Snowball off the farm. This shares many similarities with the way a leader came into power to succeed Lennin. Lennin's choice was Leon Trotsky, but Stalin, who is represented by Napoleon, uses tactful maneuvers to work his way into government and establish a totalitarian system. As the only leader, Napoleon quickly begins to abuse his power. Using his superior intelligence, he soon has the other animals doing all the farm work while he and the other pigs take on the roles of supervisors. The attitudes of the animals, especially Boxer, with his motto, "Napoleon is always right," are representative of the way people in a totalitarian state blindly follow their

the history of the internet :: essays research papers

Where would we find ourselves without the Web today? It provides us with a vast amount of information and communication. The world is accessible to us with a click of a button. Maps, stocks, chat and news can all be found in a matter of seconds. Things have greatly evolved from the home PC of the 1980’s - Commodore 64’s and IBM 8088’s, and a life of direct dialing into BBSs at all hours of the night. Every small town of the USA has Internet access; the world is interconnected.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Upon dialing into your Internet service and launching your browser, you open up a gateway to a variety of information resources. One resource available to you is the portal, Yahoo!. Found at http://www.yahoo.com, this web site includes a plethora of selections, including chat. There are different ways of communicating with this feature. You may download Yahoo! Messenger, an application that works in conjunction with Yahoo! Chat web page. In chat, you can enter rooms of topics of your interest, such as sports, music, or business and speak with people all over the world. You don’t need to download any web browser plug-ins to access chat. You may still converse with people using the Yahoo! Messenger program.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Yahoo! Messenger is one of many different instant-messaging programs out there. Similar applications such as ICQ or EGN can be used, but they are independent of any web portal, like Yahoo!. There are advantages and disadvantages to each program. No instant messaging service can communicate with any other. You have to have an account with the same service, as who you want to speak with. But incase you don’t know someone on the service, you can make friends by meeting people in chat rooms or random chat, set up by that particular service. Random chat gives you the ability to meet people, by random, based on what their interests are. Once you have acquired people on your contacts/friends lists, with multiple services (i.e.: friends on AOL/IM and friends on ICQ), you may want to look into downloading Universal Messenger. This program combines your lists of people, from the most popular programs you may have. These include ICQ, AOL/IM, Yahoo!, PowWow, and MSN Me ssenger. This saves on memory (RAM), so you don’t have to run each individual program on your home computer. You must know your logins and passwords for each service, when you first set up Universal Messenger.

Thorn Queen Chapter Twelve

Kiyo took off as soon as we got back to Tucson, saying he had to go to work. He also added that I shouldn't expect him later that night since he'd promised Maiwenn he'd come visit. Normally, that would have set my mood plummeting-and I won't lie, I wasn't thrilled as it was-but after last night, I felt superior and confident in my position with him at the moment. Somehow, I doubted he'd be looking at Maiwenn with the same awe he kept regarding me after I'd ridden him to exhaustion last night. If the crossroads in Yellow River-which we'd visited before heading out of town-had only yielded some answers this morning, I would have considered the trip a resounding success. â€Å"Nice of you to spend some time around here,† Tim told me when I emerged from the shower. As usual, he appeared to be cooking something. â€Å"What's that?† I asked, watching him roll out dough. â€Å"Cinnamon rolls,† he replied. â€Å"The second batch I've had to make, thanks to someone raiding the kitchen while they cooled.† He shot a glare over in the direction of one of the dogs-Yang, I thought-lying under the table. Yang looked extremely pleased with himself. â€Å"Sorry,† I said, even though it wasn't exactly my fault. Tim finished rolling out the dough and sprinkled the surface with a mixture of cinnamon and brown sugar. â€Å"And don't think you're going to change the subject about never being around.† I found a Coke in the refrigerator and sat down, a little irritated over the scolding. â€Å"Well, sorry you miss my company, but I don't really see how it matters. Our deal is you live here rent-free in exchange for cooking and cleaning. Me not being here means you have less work. Besides, I've had things to do.† He scowled. â€Å"Yeah, I suppose. But do your ‘things' actually involve your job-the one that gets the mortgage paid? Your secretary called last night and said you missed an appointment. And you know, dealing with her isn't part of my rental agreement.† Despite having never met, Tim and my receptionist, Lara, had an antagonistic relationship over the phone. I had no time to give to their drama today, though. The other news was too startling. â€Å"I did what?† I took out my phone, which also doubled as my planner. In addition to two missed calls from Lara, I discovered I had indeed missed an appointment for a banishing last night. I'd been so fixated on my quest in Yellow River that I'd totally forgotten I had it. â€Å"Shit,† I muttered, dialing Lara's number. As keen as I was on these missing girls, Tim had a point-my human jobs paid the bills. Not the gentry ones. â€Å"What happened?† demanded Lara as soon as she answered. No hello. â€Å"I got distracted by something else,† I said. â€Å"I'm really sorry. You think we can reschedule? Give them a discount or something?† â€Å"Probably,† she conceded. â€Å"I mean, it's not like they've got many other options to get rid of a ghost. In the meantime, though, I've got some other pending clients.† I hesitated. Normally, I wouldn't think twice about accepting as many jobs as I could. It was good for my bank account and a good deed for the world. With as much as the Otherworld was preoccupying me, however, I couldn't afford losing the time right now-or possibly missing another appointment. â€Å"Reschedule the one I missed and book only one of the others. Tell the rest we have to wait-list them.† Lara was silent for several seconds. â€Å"Are you serious?† â€Å"Afraid so.† She sighed. â€Å"Okay. You can still pay my salary, though, right?† â€Å"Yes,† I laughed. â€Å"I haven't gone bankrupt yet.† â€Å"Okay then.† She sounded only moderately pacified. â€Å"But for the record? Your roommate needs to learn some manners. He was a total asshole when I called last night.† Before we disconnected, Lara made sure to remind me about two jobs I had later that day. She wouldn't get off the phone until I repeated the times and places back to her. I was just as eager to take care of them as she was, as sort of a mental retribution for the missed one from last night. I'd never forgotten a job before. My career might be an unusual one, but I still considered myself a professional and didn't want to start falling into bad habits as a result of all this Thorn Queen business. And yet†¦as soon as I finished those jobs, I had to send myself back to the Otherworld. I only intended it to be a quick visit, though. I simply needed to check Shaya's progress and find out if the runaway girl had been located. Questioning her would make this whole search and rescue a lot easier and let me get on with my human life. The news wasn't good, however. â€Å"No sign,† said Rurik, once I hunted him down in the castle. I'd found him in a compromising position with one of the cooks. â€Å"We've got people scouring the area but haven't had any luck. We did, however, find where those bandits have relocated. Do you want us to go after them?† I hesitated. I did want to round them up, both to take the pressure off the villages and see if they knew anything about the girls that my prisoners hadn't. In the end, I shook my head. If they still had that fire demon summoner, I didn't want to go after them until we had an overwhelming show of strength. â€Å"No. Not yet. Just keep looking for the runaway.† I gave a sidelong glance toward the kitchen, into which the woman whose skirt he'd just had his hand up had disappeared. â€Å"You know, if it's not too much of an inconvenience.† At least the news from Shaya was good. The supplies Dorian had sent me home with had been shipped out, and apparently Leith had contacted her to say that after going through the irrigation book, he had some ideas for us. Naturally, he wanted to meet with me again. I suspected an ulterior motive, but it was something I'd happily endure to keep the food coming. I at least felt like Leith's intentions were easier to understand than Dorian's-and that I was a lot less likely to yield to temptation along the way. I sent the young prince a message back, saying I'd love to meet with him. On impulse, I also asked if he had anyone who might be capable of summoning water demons. Once that chore was done, I made motions to go back to Tucson. â€Å"Well? Are we going to get this done with or not?† I turned around, surprised to see Ysabel standing there in the hallway, hands on her hips. I'd been heading out toward the courtyard to do a little communion with the land before returning home. The heat was sweltering, as usual, and most of the women around here had taken to wearing light, gauzy gowns, often with short or no sleeves-not unlike the dress I'd worn to Maiwenn's party. Ysabel had made no such concessions and stood clothed in a green velvet gown, complete with long bell sleeves. The color looked stunning with her hair, but I knew she had to be miserable. â€Å"Get what done with?† She threw up her hands in exasperation. â€Å"This†¦tutorial. Or whatever it is my lord sent me here to do.† Oh, right. I hadn't forgotten Ysabel, exactly. I'd just kind of tried to pretend she didn't exist, in a feeble (and futile) hope that she might just disappear. No such luck. â€Å"Sorry,† I said, returning her hard look. â€Å"I don't really have time.† â€Å"You promised Dorian,† warned Ysabel. â€Å"And until you do this, I can't leave this godsforsaken place. I want to go home.† I shrugged and turned away. â€Å"We can't always get what we want. Kind of like that song. God knows I haven't.† I'd barely taken one step when a huge gust of wind shot toward my back, whipping my hair in front of me and rustling the tapestries on the wall. I immediately came to a halt and looked back at her. Her expression was both smug and hostile. â€Å"What's the matter? Afraid you can't keep up with me?† Charming. The old baiting tactic. She was hoping to get her way by playing on my pride. It was like the lamest trick in the book†¦except, well, it was kind of working. Okay, it was more than just my pride here. I was succumbing to temptation. With hardly any effort, Ysabel had just nearly knocked me over. It was more than I could do-much more-and her power nowhere near matched mine. If I had that kind of mastery, I could create hurricanes and blow apart buildings. Being in full possession of my magic would make me a god. That shouldn't have mattered. I shouldn't have wanted that†¦but some secret part of me did. Well, not the god part. But certainly the rest. Power like that could help my people, I tried to convince myself. â€Å"Okay. Let's get this over with then.† I acted like getting rid of her was my only concern-not that that wasn't a huge motivating factor. This castle, I was finding, was filled with rooms-most of which didn't seem to have much use. Most of the servants and guards had their own quarters, still leaving a ton of rooms unoccupied and gathering dust. I really only had need of my meeting room and parlor when I was there, and the rest had thus far stayed unused. The parlor was apparently being cleaned, so on impulse, I led Ysabel to one of the abandoned rooms. It had a river-rock fireplace that wasn't going to see use anytime soon, but the striped brocade furniture hadn't accrued too much dust. I flounced down onto a chair, arms crossed and posture defensive. â€Å"Okay. Make this fast.† Ysabel examined her sofa carefully before easing down and spreading her voluminous skirts around her. She crossed her hands on her lap, and if not for the expression on her face that said she wanted to rip me apart, I would have said she looked dainty and ladylike. â€Å"Dorian says I'm to teach you to improve your power with air.† â€Å"Something like that.† She eyed me critically. â€Å"Before we begin, I want it made abundantly clear that I am not doing this by choice.† â€Å"Really? I hadn't noticed.† Her lips curled into a sneer at my sarcasm. â€Å"I don't know what Dorian sees in you. You think you're so clever and witty when really, you're just a plain, uncouth human.† â€Å"Half-human,† I corrected. â€Å"And plain or not, your boyfriend-and, like, every other guy around here-would give up his right arm to get me into bed.† I really shouldn't have provoked her like that. Not only was it mean, it was also going to make this whole magic lesson probably even more unbearable. â€Å"Believe me, it's through no charm of your own. It's only the prophecy and your alleged breeding ability, and once that's run its course, well†¦Ã¢â‚¬  She demurely smoothed the wrinkles out of her skirt, not that there really were any. â€Å"It's only your child anyone will have interest in, not you.† â€Å"Sorry to disappoint you, but there isn't going to be a child.† Not as long as my doctor kept prescribing me birth control pills. Ysabel looked up, face filled with skepticism. â€Å"Oh? Then why are you with the†¦kitsune?† She said kitsune like it was a dirty word. Dorian often did too, though he did it mostly to irritate me. I think Ysabel legitimately looked down on Kiyo. â€Å"If you really are a queen†¦Ã¢â‚¬  She looked skeptical over this as well. â€Å"†¦then why lower yourself by taking him as a consort? The only reason you would have is in the hopes of him fathering a child on you, just as he did Maiwenn. Clearly, he's proven his virility†¦which might be of particular concern to you. You claim you're trying not to conceive, but perhaps that's a lie to hide the fact that you can't.† â€Å"What? That's insane!† â€Å"Whereas I†¦Ã¢â‚¬  She ran her hands proudly along the sides of her hips. â€Å"†¦have already bore two children.† Whoa. That was startling-and a point of pride for her, no doubt, considering the gentry fertility issue. â€Å"To whom?† For some reason, the thought that it might be Dorian bothered me. â€Å"My husband. He was killed years ago in battle.† She frowned slightly, the first sign of soft emotion I'd seen on her. In a flash, her normal bitchy expression returned. â€Å"They live with my parents right now and are healthy and strong. My lord Dorian knows I can undoubtedly have more. That's why he cast you aside for me, forcing you to turn to the kitsune for your fleeting chances of offspring.† â€Å"That's not what Dorian and I-never mind. Look, for the last time, I'm not with Kiyo to get pregnant, okay? I'm with him because I love him.† She sniffed. â€Å"I find that unlikely. If you just wanted a lover for pleasure, you would pine for my lord. No other man can match his skills in the bedroom. When he binds my hands in ropes or paints my flesh, I find no greater ecstasy than-â€Å" â€Å"Whoa, just stop,† I said, holding up both hands. This entire conversation was grating on my last nerve. â€Å"I do not want to hear any details about your sex life with Dorian, okay? That is not part of this deal. No part at all. I don't want to-wait. Did you say something about painting?† A sly smile lit her features. â€Å"My lord has a great appreciation for art. Often, before we make love, I'll lie naked before him and let him use my body as a canvas. He will spend hours adorning my flesh with color and design, often using the paintbrush as a means to pleasure me and-â€Å" â€Å"Okay, okay. I'm sorry I asked.† As the words left my lips, though, it shocked me that I could envision what she was describing perfectly. Dorian's magic lessons had often involved tying me up-the necessity of which I was never 100 percent certain of-and he would spend a large amount of that time weaving the silken cords that bound me. He'd arrange them in interesting patterns and color formations, consumed by the process itself. Somehow, I imagined him being the same with paint. I could see his face lost in thought as he painted flowers or suns or whatever, his clever, sensual hands taking their time as they lightly touched my body†¦. No, not my body. Ysabel's. I had no part of this. â€Å"Let's get this done with,† I said gruffly, hoping she wouldn't guess my thoughts. â€Å"Then we can both go home.† â€Å"Very well then. So, you need my help because you're weak.† â€Å"That's not entirely true.† Jesus Christ. It was all going to be like this, wasn't it? â€Å"I have a lot of power. I know how to control and use water magic-though I guess I could be better. Everyone assumes I must have inherited wind magic too, but so far†¦well, I've only been able to use it once.† â€Å"You may simply be deficient,† she said lightly. Her eyes flicked to my chest. â€Å"Like in so many other ways. But we shall see.† It kind of went on like that for a while. Every other sentence of hers was a barb. Yet, a lot of what she explained to me sounded similar to what Dorian had said, which at least gave me some confidence that she wasn't bullshitting me. In particular, she kept trying to describe how I could reach out and feel different types of air-just as Dorian used to encourage me to do with water. Unfortunately, it had taken a very long time to do that with water, and I felt a little pessimistic about history repeating itself. â€Å"There are different types,† she kept saying. â€Å"Don't try to sense them all. Focus small.† â€Å"What do you mean different types of air?† About an hour had gone by at that point, and I was growing weary and longing for Tucson. â€Å"Air is air,† I argued. â€Å"Spoken like a savage,† she remarked. â€Å"Perhaps we should just end this and tell my lord we fulfilled our promise to try.† I gritted my teeth. â€Å"Just explain it one more time.† She shrugged. â€Å"There are different types of air.† When she offered no more, I began to agree with her. It might be best to abandon this after all. A few moments later, though, she elaborated. â€Å"There is different air around plants. Different air after we exhale. Different air when the land is foggy. Not that you'd understand that in this wretched place.† My eyes widened. â€Å"Gas. Molecules. That's what you mean.† Now she was the one wearing the confused expression. â€Å"The different types of air,† I continued, excited in spite of myself. â€Å"You're saying the magic depends on feeling each kind†¦oxygen, hydrogen, carbon dioxide†¦.† I was speaking a foreign language. Ysabel seemed as confused as ever, but by this point, I was running away without her. It made sense. Dorian's entire teaching method had been built on baby steps. It had started with me sensing a bucket of water and culminated in me using the water in Aeson's body to blow him apart. Starting at the molecular level with air seemed daunting, but the human in me clung to the science. And as I sat there, I began to expand my mind out, much as I did when preparing to use water magic. Air had always remained blank and untouchable, yet as I began to simply focus on a tiny part of it, it became more manageable. I thought about Ysabel's breathing-oxygen in, carbon dioxide out. The world slowed down to a heartbeat, one breath at a time†¦. I'm not sure how long I sat like that. I lost track of where I was or even if she said anything else to me. Only her breathing mattered. At last, I could sense the differences, the changes in the air coming in and coming out. As she exhaled, my mind scooped up the air-the carbon dioxide-leaving her lips and flung it as I would a ball. My control was imprecise; I had no real target. The air brushed past her shoulder, ruffling her hair. â€Å"You†¦you touched it,† she said grudgingly, clearly surprised. I was alive and burning with energy now, too consumed by what I was doing to answer her. Using magic always set my senses ablaze, made the world seem more vibrant and real. I wanted to do the trick again but decided to see if I could work it the opposite way and exert control over a different type of air-oxygen. I waited again to get a feel for her breathing, letting my mind actually sense the different particles in the air. When I felt certain I could grasp the oxygen, I did-just as she was about to inhale. Ysabel began to cough, her hands going to her throat as she tried to draw breath. Sucking the oxygen away meant, well, that she couldn't inhale it. I froze in my surprise at the obvious yet not entirely unreasonable consequences-so much so that I couldn't stop what I did. I was just†¦stunned. I was controlling air. The magic burned through me, and her oxygen just kept flowing away and away. It obeyed my commands, and I didn't have the coherent reasoning to cut it off. After several seconds that felt like years, the realization of what I was doing suddenly penetrated my higher reasoning. I finally cut off the magic, letting go of my hold on her oxygen. By then, Ysabel had fallen to her knees in a desperate attempt to get air-and probably because she was starting to lose consciousness too. At last, free of the magic, she drew a large, shaking breath, face pale and terrified. A few moments later, when she'd recovered herself, she looked at me accusingly. â€Å"You-you tried to suffocate me!† â€Å"No!† I exclaimed, aghast. â€Å"I†¦I didn't. I'm sorry. I wasn't thinking. I was just trying to control the air†¦.† She stood up, and where once her face had been pale, it was now flushed with anger. She was shaking. â€Å"You deceived Dorian. You already know how to use this kind of magic. This is all part of some elaborate plot.† â€Å"No, no,† I said, standing as well. â€Å"I've never used it before-except once and only for a few seconds.† â€Å"I don't believe you. What you just did†¦you couldn't have done that if you were as inexperienced as you pretended to be!† What I'd done-aside from the fact it could have killed her-didn't seem like it was that big a deal. I'd sensed air and moved it. It was hardly a hurricane, and it had taken a lot of concentration-so much so that I didn't think I could repeat it anytime soon. I hardly had the effortless control she exerted over the wind. â€Å"I'm sorry†¦I really am. I didn't mean to hurt you. It was an accident.† Ysabel's only answer was a scowl, just before she stormed out of the room. As she passed me, I thought I saw both fear and tears in her eyes. Despite her bravado, I realized that what had seemed more like anger in her was actually terror. She was in the home of someone she saw as a rival, someone with a reputation as a warrior and a tyrant-and someone who had just tried to kill her. She was trapped here by Dorian's orders. â€Å"A terrifying feat, your majesty,† a voice near the doorway said. I took a few steps forward and saw Shaya standing just outside in the hall, her pretty face grim. â€Å"It was an accident,† I said, surprised at the trembling in my voice. â€Å"I don't like her, but I don't want to hurt her.† â€Å"I know.† Shaya's expression turned both gentle and sad. â€Å"But her fear isn't unfounded. You learned that too quickly and too well.† â€Å"It was easy! It's the same as moving water around or any other type of air.† â€Å"From what I understand, stealing someone's breath-denying them air-is harder than simply creating breezes. You're fighting against life itself. Those who suffocate others in this way usually require great strength and stamina. For you to be able to do it already†¦well, it's a testament to your power-and that's nearly as frightening as the act itself.† The full impact hit me. â€Å"Wait†¦there are people who do that on purpose? Steal someone's air so they can't breathe?† She shrugged. â€Å"Well, to those with the skill, suffocation's an effective weapon.† â€Å"It's sick†¦it's an inhumane way to die.† â€Å"I agree. And most people don't have that kind of strength, so it's not an issue. Among those who do have the strength, most would never consider doing it to another person, enemy or no.† I groaned. â€Å"Well, if that's true, then she has to understand that I wouldn't purposely do it to her either. She has to believe that it was an accident.† â€Å"I don't think you're going to have a lot of luck with that.† â€Å"Why not?† â€Å"Because while most consider such torture unusually cruel, there was one person who enjoyed denying someone their breath-and who frequently used it as a form of execution and entertainment.† Shaya's look was meaningful. â€Å"Tirigan Storm King.†

Education in the UAE Essay

Modern educational system of the UAE, which was introduced in the beginning of the 1970s, comprises a number of private and governmental educational establishments available both for male and female students. It has 4 academic levels, including primary, preparatory, secondary and higher education. The first three levels are compulsory. Governmental schools, colleges and universities are opened for the students to study for free. Currently, about 40% of educational establishments in the UAE are private (The US Department of State, 2007). The development of the country’s educational system started in the early 1900s, when a lot of engineering schools and colleges were opened throughout the country, including the Taimia Mahmoudia (opened in 1907), Al Ahmadia (1912), Al Otaiba (1930), Al Qassemia (1935) and many others. By the early 1950s, Al Qassemia became the first systematical school, where students were provided with organized curriculum and a system of exams, and it was the first educational establishment to launch school diplomas. In 1971, when the Emirates were united and the Ministry of Education was established, the modern era of education in the UAE has started. Several important educational reformations were implemented and a series of universities were established, including UAE University (1976), Higher Colleges of Technology (1988), Zayid University (1998) and others. In 2003, the first international education zone was opened in Dubai, which is currently a center of the country’s e-learning, development and research. According to the US Department of State, 25% of total federal spending is directed to education (The US Department of State, 2007). As a part of the governmental plan â€Å"Education 2020†, since the beginning of the century such important structural changes took place in education, as enhancement of elementary school curriculum, introducing new English language programs, launching innovative teaching techniques focused on self-learning, opening new up-to-date educational facilities and so on. References Taboor, A. A. (2008, February 28). History of Education. The Ministry of Education. Retrieved November 27, 2008, from: . The US Department of State. (2007). United Arab Emirates country profile. Library of Congress. Federal Research Division. Retrieved November 27, 2008, from: .